How Did American and Japanese Gender Hierarchies Shape Japanese Women's
Participation in the Transnational WCTU Movement in the 1880s?

Endnotes

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Introduction

1. Toyojyu Sasaki herself used several names in identifying herself, and multiple ways are used to alphabetize in Japanese the Chinese characters for her name. For her last name, there are a few variations such as "Sasaki" and "Sasajyo," and "Sasaki" is disproportionately in common use. As for her first name, there are quite a variety such as "Toyojyu," "Toyojyo," "Toyoshi," "Hojyu," "Toyojyuko," "Toyozume," "Toyoko," and "Toyo." In this project, "Toyojyu" is used, following the Japanese alphabetization applied in two encyclopedias I referred to: Nihon josei daijiten (Tokyo: Nihon tosho senta, 1998) and Nihon kirisutokyo rekishi daijiten (Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1988).
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2. 1 Corinthians 14:34.
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3. As for WCTU activism among women of color, see for example, Melba Joyce Boyd, Discarded Legacy: Politics and Poetics in the Life of Frances E.W. Harper, 1825-1911 (Detroit, Mich.: Wayne State University Press, 1994); Thomas Dublin and Angela Scheuerer, "Why Did African-American Women Join the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1880-1900?”; Rumi Yasutake, Transnational Women's Activism: The United States, Japan, and Japanese Immigrant Communities in California, 1859-1920 (New York: NYU Press, 2004), pp. 105-34.
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4. Frances E. Willard, Do Everything: A Handbook for the World's White Ribboners (Chicago, Ill.: Woman's Temperance Pub. Association, n.d.), pp. 11-13. Reprinted in Carolyn De Swarte Gifford and Donald W. Dayton, eds., Women in American Protestant Religion, 1800-1930 (New York, N.Y.: Garland, 1987). Leavitt visited such countries and regions as the Sandwich Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, China, Thailand, Burma, Singapore, India, Ceylon, Africa, and Europe on the tour.
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5. Ian Tyrrell, Woman's World / Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), pp. 1-10.
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6. Nihon kirisutokyo fujin kyofukai, Nihon kirisutokyo fujin kyofukai hyakunenshi (Tokyo: Domesu shuppan, 1986), pp. 1019-21; Jack S. Blocker, Jr., David M. Fahey, and Ian R. Tyrrell, eds., Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: An International Encyclopedia, 2 vols. (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC Clio, 2003), pp. 677-79.
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7. See for example, Antoinette M. Burton, "The White Woman's Burden: British Feminists and 'The Indian Woman,' 1865-1915," in Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 137-57; Leila J. Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997); Christine Bolt, Sisterhood Questioned?: Race, Class, and Internationalism in the American and British Women's Movement, c. 1880s-1970s (New York, N.Y.: Routledge, 2004).
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8. Richard H. Drummond, A History of Christianity in Japan (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmands, 1971); Akio Dohi, Nihon purotesutanto kirisutokyoshi (Tokyo: Shinkyo shuppan, 1980).
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9. Mrs. W.I. Chamberlain, Fifty Years in Foreign Fields, China, Japan, India, Arabia: A History of Five Decades of the Woman's Board of Foreign Missions, R.C.A. (New York, N.Y.: Woman's Board of Foreign Missions, R.C.A., 1925), pp. 29-33.
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10. Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu henshu iinakai, Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu (Yokohama: Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen, 2004), p. 1027. This collection of primary documents includes original English versions of letters sent to the board from WUMS missionary women working in Yokohama.
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11. Dana L. Robert, American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1997), pp. 115-16.
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12. Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu henshu iinakai, Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu, pp. 1191-203.
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13. The gender dynamics among Presbyterian and RCA missionaries in Tokyo is best analyzed by Rui Kohiyama, Amerika fujin senkyoshi: Rainichi no haikei to sonoeikyo (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1992), pp. 189-212.
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14. Barbara Welter, Dimity Convictions: The American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1976), pp. 83-102; Robert, American Women in Mission; Catherine A. Brekus, Female Preaching in America: Strangers & Pilgrims, 1740-1845 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
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15. As for feminization of native men in the eyes of American women activists, see for example, Jane Hunter, The Gospel of Gentility: American Women Missionaries in Turn-of-the-Century China (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 204-16.
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16. Chamberlain, Fifty Years in Foreign Fields, pp. 29-33. Mrs. Pruyn returned to the United States in 1875, due to a "health problem." When she was invited to give a speech at the WUMS in 1876, however, she alluded to presumably well-known reasons for not being able to fully discuss her five-year experience in Japan at the occasion. She remained in the United States until 1882 when she resumed her missionary work in Shanghai. It is possible that Pruyn's departure from Japan in 1875 had something to do with conduct discussed in Mary Miller's letter of 6 January 1875--her preaching among men and women. See Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu henshu iinakai, Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu, p. 73.
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17. Maria True originally arrived in Yokohama as a WUMS missionary, but moved to the Presbyterian mission in Tokyo to manage a school that came under the sponsorship of a Presbyterian women's group in Philadelphia. The school came to be called Bancho School in English, and later merged with Graham Seminary to become Joshi Gakuin in 1890. A.K. Davis, "Mrs. Maria T. True," The Japan Evangelist III, no. 6 (August 1896): 317-20; Tetsuya Ohama, Joshigakuin no rekishi (Tokyo: Joshi Gakuin, 1985).
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18. Sharon L. Sievers, Flowers in Salt: The Beginning of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1983), pp. 26-53; Rebecca Copeland and Aiko Okamoto MacPhail, "Kishida Toshiko," in The Modern Murasaki: Writing by Women of Meiji Japan (New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 2006), pp. 55-71.
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19. Kohiyama, Amerika fujin senkyoshi; Michiko Kameyama, Onnatachi no yakusoku: M.T. True to nihon saisho no kangofu gakko (Tokyo: Jinbun shoin, 1990).
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20. Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu henshu iinakai, Yokohama kyoritsu gakuen shiryoshu, p. 1027.
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21. The Chinese characters for his first name can be alphabetized both as Hiromichi and Kodo, and his last name, Kozaki and Kosaki. I followed the alphabetization used in Nihon kirisutokyo daijiten (Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1988).
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22. Leavitt's organizing tour to the western region established a union among Japanese women protégés of American Congregational missionary women working in Kobe. "Kobe fujin kinshukai," Jogaku zasshi 37 (5 October 1886): Appendix (140) 3. As for Congregational women missionaries in Kobe, Japan, see Noriko Ishii, American Women Missionaries at Kobe College, 1873-1909: New Dimensions in Gender (New York, N.Y.: Routledge, 2004).
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23. Ruth Bordin, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873-1900 (Philadelphia, Penn.: Temple University Press, 1990), pp. 34-51, 113.
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24. Rumi Yasutake, "Men, Women, and Temperance in Meiji Japan: Engendering WCTU Activism from a Transnational Perspective," Japanese Journal of American Studies 17 (2006): 91-111; Sumiko Otsubo, "Toward a Common Goal: Christian Social Reformers and the Medical Authorities in Meiji and Taisho Japan," Konan daigaku sogo kenkyusho sosho 86 (2006): 43-86.
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25. "Jogaku enzetsu," Jogaku zasshi 30 (25 July 1886): 305-06.
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26. "Fujin kyofukai," Jogaku zasshi 32 (15 August 1886): 40.
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27. Yoshimi Fujita, Meiji jogakko no sekai: Meiji jogakko to Jogaku zashi o megru ningengunzo to sono shiso (Tokyo: Seiseisha, 1984), pp. 7-28.
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28. "Kobe fujin kinshukai," Jogaku zasshi 37 (5 October 1886): 140.
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29. The WCTU-related articles carried by Jogaku zasshi include: Mary Leavitt, "Shudoku no iden [Heredity and Alcoholism]," Jogaku zasshi 28 (5 July 1886): 257-59; 29 (15 July 1886): 273-74; "Bankoku kinshukai no koto [On the World's WCTU]," Jogaku zasshi 30 (25 July 1886): 295; Mary Leavitt, "Kain oyobi kanai sho fudotoku ni taisuru fujin no gimu [Woman and Her Work]," Jogaku zasshi 31 (5 August 1886): 1-3; Mary Leavitt, "Nihon no shimai ni tsugu [A Message for My Japanese Sisters]," Jogaku zasshi 36 (25 September 1886): 111-12; 37 (5 October 1886): 131-33; 39 (25 October 1886): 171-72; "Bankoku fujin kinshukai kiyaku [World's WCTU Bylaws]," Jogaku zasshi 40 (5 November 1886): 200.
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30. Jogaku zasshi 41 (15 November 1886): 16-17.
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31. "Fujin kyofukai," Jogaku zasshi 44 (15 December 1886): 75-76.
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32. A so-called "enlightenment" thinker, Masanao Nakamura opened his school to women in 1874 and established the women's department in 1879. Masao Takahashi, Nakamura Keiu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1966), pp. 155-72.
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33. Reiko Abe, "Sasaki Toyojyu oboegaki: Wasuresarareta fujin kaiho undo no ichisenkusha," Nihonshi kenkyu 171 (November 1976): 52-65; Nobuo Ito, "Ito Yuken den: Purotesutanto jusen shita saisho no Tohokujin no denki," Bulletin of North Japan Cultural Institute 6 (December 1974): 63-73. The Christian doctor, Motoe Sasaki, was the fourth son of a doctor's family in northern Japan. Motoe was adopted in another doctor's family with no son and married the daughter of the family to head her household. Because of male primogeniture, their marriage was arranged by the heads of the two households. While learning English from Dr. Hepburn and other American missionaries in Yokohama, Motoe converted to Christianity in 1872. The ban on Christianity was still in effect, and his wife was critical of his conversion. Then he moved to Tokyo and began teaching at Dojinsha. There he met Toyojyu who was from the same hometown and who had also been exposed to Christianity while she was studying English at Mary Kidder Miller's class. Motoe divorced his wife in 1880, and legally married Toyojyu in 1886.
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34. Yasuko Utsu, Saiso yori yori fukai tamashiini; Soma Kokko, wakaki hino henreki (Tokyo: YWCA shuppan, 1983), pp. 37-98.
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35. "Tokyo fujin kyofukai dai-enzetsu kai," Jogaku zasshi 55 (12 March 1887): 98.
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36. "Tokyo fujin kyofukai enzetsu," Jogaku zasshi 64 (14 May 1887): 80.
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37. Yuko Nishikawa, Hana no imoto (Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1986), pp. 179-80.
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38. Shige Kushida later went to the United States and remained socially active in the Japanese immigrant community in the Bay Area. Married, Shige (Kushida) Togasaki was a long-time member of the Oakland Japanese WCTU. See Mei T. Nakano, Japanese American Women: Three Generations, 1890-1990 (Berkeley, Calif.: Nina Press, 1990), p. 24; "Ko Togasaki fujin o omoute," Zibei Fujin Shinpo 28, no. 5 (November 1929): 1-2.
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39. Nihon kirisutokyo fujin kyofukai, Nihon kirisutokyo fujin kyofukai hyakunenshi, pp. 1019-21.
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