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Friday Morning's Session

   At half-past ten yesterday morning, Metropolitan Hall was attended by about 2,000 persons, and the numbers continued to increase during the sitting. Rev. T. W. Higginson again occupied the Chair, and after calling the meeting to order, proceeded to read over the resolutions introduced by Horace Greeley yesterday morning, after which the Amphions opened the proceedings by singing the Temperance Hymn commencing with

"Intemperance, like a raging flood."

   The PRESIDENT said the resolutions which had been read were then open for discussion by the members of the Convention. It would be understood, of course, that all who might have information to convey to the Convention, from whatever County or State they might come would not keep back on account of not being called upon by the Chair, as there were many present unknown to the Committee. They were ready to listen to the remarks of any member on the resolutions. [Cheers.]

   EUSEPHEUS BRENARD, of Chester Co., Va., arose and spoke briefly upon the second resolution. He adverted to the fact of religious bodies being backward in taking a decisive stand for the Temperance movement, and by this fact became recreant to the truth. He was himself a delegate from a religious organization, and he would that it were in his power to state that all other similar bodies would follow in the footsteps of their great founder, that they might cooperate in a cause which had for its object the elevation of humanity. The Christian's influence weighed heavily for good if exerted in the right direction, and it became his duty in his career to assist in carrying out any legitimate measure for the attainment of high and glorious objects.

   Rev. Wm. H. CHANNING was announced as the next speaker. Mr. Channing took the platform and addressed the Convention as follows:

   The song which our friends favored us with this morning, had reference to a flood of Intemperance. Is not the assembling of this Convention a sign that the flood is retiring from the face of the earth, and that not only has the dove gone forth on its mission from the ark formed by the Lord, but has returned with the olive bough? According to my view, that dove is Woman, and the word of Woman is a word of peace and power. [Applause.]

   The characteristics of this Convention, which I would briefly sum up in three words, (and let it not be considered that I am irreverent of great ancestors,) is the disappearance of Mrs. Adam and the reappearance of Miss Eve-—or, in other words, the disappearance of Woman in a position of subjection to Man, and her reappearance as she was sent fresh from the hand of God. However Woman may have been looked upon as typical of the fall, she is now regarded as typical of the resurrection. She was once looked upon as an angel of death, dragging man to the dust, she can now be looked upon as an angel of Heaven leading him onward.

   This is the whole subject of which I propose to speak this morning: The full and free cooperation of women, as the special characteristic of the Convention—-it being the whole world's, and not a half world's convention. A friend alluded yesterday in his speech to the position of man alone as being similar to that of an individual rowing with a single oar. If it is allowable for a man in masculine boastfulness, to speak of himself as the "right hand," then I say it has always been the misfortune of the world that the "left hand-—the left side" has been always paralysed, and woman has been a cripple and unable to cooperate in progress to but a limited extent. If Michael Angelo would make a figure, his left hand would hold the chisel and shape the marble, while the right hand would supply the power. The painter with his left hand holds the palate, and with the right uses the brush. Ole Bull, though, with his right hand he secures a sound on the violin, yet with his left he secures the delicacy and brilliancy of tone, and the touch of the left hand is as necessary as the motion of the right; if we are to have music in society, Woman, as the left hand, must manage the keys. [Applause.]

   As it is urged that this meeting should sustain the character of practicability, I have some practical projects to offer for its consideration. First, to enable us to carry out effectively prohibitory law, we must have the full cooperation of women-—we should gain the influence of her example and power, and if it is true that man is her agent then she should see that her agents do their duty. As mother, sister, wife and friend, she possesses power for good, and if she send man out and he comes home without having accomplished that which he was deputed to do, he reads in her face the consciousness of his shame. You have read of the mother in the revolution who sent her son to the camp saying, I have sent my son with a certainty that he will be faithful to his duty, and had I twenty sons I would send them all. We have ammunition enough-—we are making powder, and we only want the cooperation of woman in the great struggle to ensure its success.

   As regards the expression of public sentiment it has appeared to me that the true mode is not so much in the form of a petition as a declaration of opinion. I would wish that women would ask themselves whether they have rights in the consideration of questions. Being satisfied that they do, I would like to hear them through meetings or otherwise, speak authoritatively whether it be their will that a law should pass or not. So much as regards the passage of prohibitory law and as respects its execution, it is asked whether the law can be made thoroughly effectual. It depends upon the cooperation and example of women, and in the form which I most cordially sympathize. I read recently of a number of women, for being engaged practically in the good work, being tried in Ohio for a mob, and I would like to see more tried for the same offenses, for man is ever backward in legislation, and woman, having the conscious power to make legislation effective, I would like to see come forward, if it were necessary, and break in the head of the rum barrel. So confident am I of her power, that I believe she would be upheld and supported by public sentiment.

   The cause of men and women indulging in low excitement is clearly traceable to the want of the means of indulging in the higher excitements, and here is another opening for the influence of woman to assist in the elevation of humanity. The low passions are gratified because the higher passions cannot be, but afford the opportunity and we find a generous sentiment in response. This is demonstrated in the feeling which is elicited by the personation of the characters of Uncle Tom's Cabin at the National Theater, and where the hearts of those considered to be low minded are warmed up in behalf of the truth, and their hatred excited against evil. The heart is right, and the means of elevating it to an appreciation of the higher principles of our nature is to bring those principles before them. The drama is one form of promoting high excitement-—lectures form an intellectual stimulus, and superadded to these social entertainment is needed where healthful and elevating influences can be exerted in the indulgence of the higher affections. Woman is doing much to affect these ends, and she is to do much more.

   The speaker closed his remarks by the introduction of two resolutions expressive of the ideas contained in his remarks, and which were upon motion referred to the action of a Committee.

   JOSEPH A. DUGDALE, of Pennsylvania, desired to read for the satisfaction of the Convention an extract from a printed document issued by the Progressive Friends, a religious organization of Pennsylvania, and which took a bold and determined stand in favor of the Temperance Movement.

   The extract was read at the conclusion of his remarks.

   Mr. CLARK of Rochester, having just entered the Hall, he was again called upon for a song. He then sang

   "The World is on the Move."
with excellent effect, and was loudly applauded. After which be offered the following sentiment, which he drank in iced water:

   "The Health and Memory of the man that chopped down the trees, that cleared the land, that ploughed the ground, that raised the corn, that fed the goose, that bore the quill, that made the pen, that wrote the pledge of total abstinence from all intoxicating drinks." [Loud cheers.]

   Mr. ARNOLD BUFFUM, R. I., rose to move a resolution which was decided to be laid before the Business Committee. He thought that if the Ministers of the Gospel through out the land would preach a sermon from the following text:

   "That a good tree bringeth forth good fruit and that a corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit. Wherefore by their fruits you shall know thereof."

   And would supply it especially to the temperance cause, and show that in that very instructive parable, the term tree would apply to the distiller and the manufacturer of intoxicating liquors, the first of which was only evil, and that continually, they would do much to promote the growth of that tree which produced the good fruit of sobriety, health, and happiness. [Applause.]

   Rev. Mr. ARMSTRONG, of N.Y., complained that the resolution which had been brought forward for their consideration that morning had scarcely been alluded to by the speakers; he therefore moved that each person who speaks should be requested to adhere to the resolutions, and that not more than five minutes be allowed to each speaker.

   The PRESIDENT explained that there had been certain resolutions reported for discussion, and that the Rev. Mr. Channing and Mr. Buffum had been perfectly in order, in moving amendments as additions to those resolutions to be laid before the Committee.

   The Rev. Mr. ARMSTRONG moved that the resolutions be taken up one by one.

   Rev. Mr. WHITNEY, of Mass., hoped that [the] motion would not prevail, but preferred that the resolutions should be considered as a whole-—the motion was then put to the meeting and lost.

   Rev. Mr. WHITNEY then took the platform, and said he desired to speak in reference to the way in which men became drunkards, because if men would avoid the small beginnings they would never fall into that sin. He went on to show how at first, nature revolted at the taste of Opium, Tobacco and Intoxicating Liquors, and how necessary it was to persevere, against the natural appetite before the habit of temperance could be formed, and how easy it would be to prevent the formation of such habits. If men would

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cease to be controlled by the persuasions of vicious companions. He concluded by warning Temperance people from encouraging in any way the consumption of Opium, which he was sorry to find was on the Increase in this country. The speaker, during his remarks, was interrupted by several questions from various parts of the hall, which led to a discussion on the point of order, and the chairman decided to have it in all cases to the option of the speaker, as to whether he would submit to be questioned by the audience or not.

   The PRESIDENT, having requested Mr. Greeley temporarily to occupy the Chair, said he wished to explain the position of Massachusetts with regard to the Maine Law. If they wished to know whether that law was liked by the people there, he would recommend them to ask the citizens to repeal that law. The Temperance Law in Massachusetts was peculiar. It included several provisions, which were not included in the Maine Law, while it omitted several which were in that law. There were several cases pending in the courts of justice, the decision of which would enable them to carry out more completely than ever the spirit and practice of the Maine Law in all its fullness and force. [Applause.] He had great pleasure in introducing

   Mrs. C. P. NICHOLS, Editor of The Vermont Windham Co., Democrat. When the cheering which greeted her appearance had subsided, Mrs. Nichols, who is a fine, majestic looking middle-aged lady, spoke as follows:

   I am not unconscious, friends, that I stand upon a contested platform-—that, as a woman, I stand in a position denied her by some; there are subjects which I should like to speak upon which would be considered irrelevant on this platform. I cannot present to you woman's claim to the Maine Law more forcibly than by showing how it will restore the sweet harmonies of domestic life; it is because I believe this I take this position. And if I needed to make any apology for so doing, it is that woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance. Woman, who is herself not addicted to this vice, suffer[s], more than man; and it is to this point that I wish to direct your special attention. The laws of this country have bound her hand and foot, and give her up to the protection of her husband. They have committed her soul and body to the protection of the husband, and when he fails from imbecility, misjudgment, misfortune, or intemperance, she suffers. The mother cannot hold in her own hand the bread she earns to feed her babes and children; even the clothes she wears can be taken by her husband to satisfy his inordinate appetite. If intemperance did not invade our homes and tear them from over our heads; if it did not take from us our clothing, our bread, the means for our own self-development, and for the training of our children in respectability and usefulness; if it did not take our babes from our bosoms, I would not stand here. (Loud Applause.) I feel that man cannot row the boat of humanity alone-—he may try to do so, and for a time succeed, but the labor is too herculean; his arm tires, his strength fails, and the frail bark is tossed to and fro by the rude waves, and finally sinks to perdition. It seems to me that the great cause of humanity is very much in the position of a little child of whom I will state the following incident. A friend of mine was taking a journey in a stage coach, when she saw a man with an infant a few months old in his arms; my friend was exceedingly interested in the babe, and wondered that the father should be carrying an infant for so long a journey. She naturally fancied that the child's mother was dead, and her big heart yearned toward the little desolate one. She asked the man where the babe's mother was? He replied that she "would not come along with it, and when husband and wife disagree they must separate." "What," she eagerly inquired, "and you take the little babe?" To which he answered that he did, for he had "both the right and the power." "But," my friend inquired, "when the little one his hungry, can you feed it?" "Oh! Yes," he replied. "I can feed it, I have a pocket full of cakes." [Laughter and cheers.] And no man has gone through the world in every department of life; in the legislative, and in all the out-of-door avocations, and he has thus carried with him a "pocket full of cakes" until humanity has become dyspeptic. [Loud applause.] And what we now ask is that it may be restored to the mother of humanity, to drink the milk of human kindness which God has stored so bountifully in the breast of women. [Applause.] I wish to bear particularly on the responsibility of Christians in this movement. As a member of the Christian Church, I appeal to my brethren and sisters with a heart full of love, yearning that they may meet me on this ground; that I may find a response in their souls which shall give me courage to move onward in the course of self-denial and duty which this cause seems so imperatively to demand. I know the churches of different denominations act with different power upon the great reforms of the day.

   The denominational body to which I belong has independent Churches. The action of our Church cannot control the action of another, and I have noticed with great pleasure that as this movement has progressed, the Churches have come up to the work, and have passed resolutions to indorse the Maine Law, and pledging themselves to its support. The speaker went on to show the duty of Christians in relation to this subject, and concluded by giving a description of the operations and evasions of the Maine Law on the banks of the Connecticut, and in New-Hampshire. Her speech was listened to throughout with the most earnest attention and was frequently applauded by the delighted audience.

   It was moved and seconded that when the Convention adjourn it does so at 1½ and reassemble at 3 o'clock P.M. Carried.

   A motion was made that the ten minutes rule be enforced.

   Mr. OLIVER JOHNSON moved that the rule be rescinded altogether, as it would be invidious to enforce it in one case and not in another. Carried.

   The PRESIDENT said there was another lady whose labor in the New York Women's organization for the promotion of Temperance had perhaps been no less arduous or less efficient than those of the last speaker were in Vermont. He referred to.

   Mrs. VAUGHAN, who, on taking the platform, was warmly applauded. The dinner hour of many of our good citizens, however, having arrived there was a general rise among the audience to withdraw. The mental feast about to be presented, and the courtesy which is due to any lady, and especially to one who has done such good service as Mrs. Vaughan, seemed to be lost sight of by several hundred persons who seemed to show greater preference for the material aliment. After repeated appeals of the Chairman, and Mrs. Vaughan had been standing silent for nearly a quarter of an hour, quiet was at length restored, and Mrs. Vaughn proceeded to deliver the following address:

   She said the wishes of the Society which she represented are that men shall not be Temperance supporters on 364 days in the year, and on the 365th day put their vote in the ballot box for PARTY, no matter if its principles be just, or the reverse.

   She would earnestly hope that the rights and interests of her sex be truly conserved by those who claim to be their natural protectors. [Cheers.] In her opinion, this could not be done more efficiently than by striving to get the Maine Law passed. If members of the Society of which she is a representative have not individually suffered from the ill-effects of intemperance, they have suffered in their sisters, and as women, they would plead their cause. She concluded by earnestly hoping that every woman would, at the next election, go to the polls, watch each man who deposited a vote, and, if he did not vote in favor of that law, to brand him as a coward, and a recreant to his duty as a man. [Cheers.] She did not believe there was hardly a single woman in this country, who if she choose to persevere, could not influence at least one man to vote in favor of the prohibition of the liquor traffic. Women must be on hand at the elections, and electioneer; I was going to say vote, but I recollected that she cannot do that, and so I said electioneer. {Cheers.]

   A German gentleman then got on the platform, and requested to be heard for a moment. Permission being accorded, he said, "I believe that this is a World's Temperance Convention. It appears that the American side of the question has been pretty well shown. I would like to speak on the European side." He was informed that he would do so then, or in the afternoon. He preferred the afternoon.

   Ms. WALLASTEN, of Vermont, was the next speaker.

   He had at one time been a General in the army of King Alcohol! He had been a general drunkard. He stood now a General in the Maine Law Army of Vermont. He then proceeded to show how successfully the Maine Law has been married into effect in Rockland, Vermont. Instead of the jail being filled with criminals, as formerly, only an occasional drunkard, and such liquor as may be seized, is now placed in it. They (the Rum Party) are about to make an effort to repeal the law next week, but he was still a General, and should be on hand to defeat them. He had learned their plan, and would work the counter wires.

   The Convention then adjourned to 3 o'clock P.M.

Afternoon Session

   At three o'clock the Convention reassembled to the number of about two thousand people. After being called to order by the President, Mr. Victor Hannet, a citizen of Belgium, appeared on the platform, and addressed the Convention. His remarks were based upon the idea of Temperance pervading the use of all things required by the human family, whether it be the food and drink consumed, or the means necessary to improve his political and social condition.

   Rev. Mr. ERAUGH, of New York, next occupied the stand, and spoke briefly of the Maine Law, and the probable benefits which would probably occur from its passage. He compared it to the Point Comfort Churn spoken of in Major Jack Dowing's letters, and which General Jackson had been struck with on account of its remarkable simplicity. Said the General, "If Congress had made that churn, they would have put a hundred wheels into it, but here there is but one wheel and that one 'a smasher.'" The Maine Law the speaker conceived to have but one wheel, and that capable of smashing in the heads of the rum barrels throughout the length and breadth of the land.

   Mr. SABIN, of Pennsylvania, adduced in his remarks some valuable statistical matter bearing upon the Reform. One man well worthy of being mentioned referred to the fact of only 10 percent of the wholesale price of liquors were acceded to the workmen for their labor in manufacture, while in other branches from 35 to 90 percent constituted the laborers['] proportion. He also stated the fact that $74,000,000 were spent for liquors in America each year. The speaker introduced the following resolutions:

   Resolved. That the enactment of a law similar in its general provisions to the Maine Law would be eminently conducive to the natural prosperity of any and every State adopting it, because the amount per cent paid to the laborer for the production of alcoholic beverages does not average more than ten percent, whereas in the manufacture of useful articles, such as clothing, furniture, &c., on average of not less than fifty percent is paid for their manufacture. Therefore, if all the money that is now spent to the production of liquor were devoted to useful purpose, there would at once be a demand for labor which would more than counterbalance any momentary loss occasioned to a certain class by the enactment.

   The PRESIDENT next introduced Dr. DEWOLFE, of Maine.

   The Speaker adverted to the difficulties experienced by the early movers in the cause of Temperance in Maine, and of the final development of the Maine Law, which was the grand agent that was now needed to put down the Rum power. He successfully argued the necessity of men voting for principle when the time should arrive for them to cast their ballots. That the Rum party in Maine since the enactment of the law had increased he had no doubt, but to that the proper sentiment of the people there was to be in point of fact but one issue at the approaching election, and that Rum, or No Rum. The (nominally) Democratic candidate for Governor was the Rum candidate; but all good men had resolved if party was recreant to truth, that they would abandon party and vote for principle. He had been delegated to attend the Half World's Temperance Convention, but he was frank to admit that his sympathy was with the whole world, and such being the case, he was gratified to see the ladies participating in the proceedings upon an acknowledged basis of equality.

   **C. C. BURLEIGH, of Connecticut, in the absence of the Chairman of the Business Committee, introduced the following resolutions, which were on motion, to be incorporated with the resolutions previously introduced, and then pending before the Convention:

   Resolved, That we urge our fellow-citizens to petition Congress to modify our Tariff laws so that they shall no longer protect and justify the importation of intoxicating liquors into States which have prohibited, or may hereafter prohibit the sale and diffusion of such liquors.

   Resolved, That a natural, proper, and efficient counteraction to the appetite for debasing indulgence and pernicious excitement is to be found in providing for all legitimate and healthful sources of pure, innocent, elevating pleasures of social and spiritual enjoyment; and, therefore, the library and reading-room-—the lyceum and music hall-—galleries of paintings and sculptures-–social assembly-rooms and pleasure grounds-—should take the place of the bar-room and rum-cellar.

   Resolved, That sound political economy concurs with sound morality in condemning the manufacture, sale and use of intoxicating drinks, since their cost to the consumer exceeds the actual cost of their production in a proportion five times as great as obtains in the case of useful articles; therefore, if the money spent for alcoholic beverages were devoted to the purchase of articles of utility, the present extravagant profits of distillers and rum-sellers would be employed in cherishing legitimate branches of productive industry, which give to the labor bestowed upon them five times as great a proportion of their price as now goes to the labor for producing alcohol.

   Resolved, That the officers of this meeting together with its Business Committee, be constituted a permanent Committee, with power to call future Conventions based on the same principles as this, wherever and whenever they may deem it advisable to do so and to initiate any other measures which they may judge best for the advancement of the Temperance cause.

   MISS EMILY CLARK next took the platform and dealt some most effective blows against men for their inactivity in matters so near to their interests as the success of the Temperance Reform. By a happily conceived allegory, she showed that while all mankind acknowledge the evils of intemperance, and know that by a resort to the ballot box they have the power to stop its effects, they were inactive and let the destroyer continue his work, and they look on with calm indifference. She was loudly cheered at the conclusion of her remarks.

   THE PRESIDENT announced as the next speaker the individual who had published the first Temperance newspaper in the United States: WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, of Boston:

   Mr. Garrison stated that in long years past he had been an active worker in the cause of Temperance, and though his efforts had been drawn more especially into other channels of reform, that yet his interest in it had been as warm as ever. When he was an active worker the tetotaller was unpopular and looked down upon. Now he could see thousands in a single Convention engaged as active members. If any one thing could disqualify him from speaking for Temperance as he once did, it would be that he was unaccustomed to talk upon Temperance to people who appreciated its value.

   But now Chancellors, Judges, Politicians, Doctors of Divinity and office seekers of all kinds were coming forward to the work. It was certain evidence of its growing popularity. At the conclusion of Mr. Garrison's remarks, he called upon all who had either personally or by their relatives been the sufferers by the use of alcoholic drinks, to rise. Fully two-thirds of the audience responded to his call.

   Mrs. FRANCIS [sic] D. GAGE, of St. Louis Mo., next spoke. Her remarks were brief and referred to the workings of the rum-traffic to be seen in the south, and of the general want of effort there in favor of the reform. She stated that except with the women, the Maine Law was very generally opposed.

   Rev. Mr. ARMSTRONG, of Saratoga, who organized a Temperance Society as early as 1808, next favored the Convention with some pathetic reminiscences of the effects of Rum-drinking.

   Mr. CLARK, of Rochester, being called upon, sang an appropriate Temperance song.

   Mr. BOOTH, of Wisconsin, being called, next addressed the Convention. He spoke of the present state of the Temperance movement in his State, and of the enactment of the Maine Law being submitted to the popular vote in November next. His remarks were interesting and to the point, but the lateness of the hour prevents our making a more enlarged sketch of them.

   Mr. WILLIAMS, of New York, introduced the following resolution:

   Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed to prepare an Address from this Convention to the friends of Temperance throughout the world, declaring and enforcing the practical duties which at this hour specially devolve upon the advocates of the Temperance Revolution in America.

   Dr. SNODGRASS, as the author of a resolution of the supplementary series reported by the Business Committee, took occasion to call attention to its drift, which was, the necessity of bringing national legislation to the aid of local prohibitory laws such as that of Maine.

Evening Session

   As we entered the hall last evening, we were sensibly affected by the scene which presented itself. That beautiful room was completely filled by one of the most intelligent audiences we ever remember to have seen in the city of New York.

   There could not have been less than from 3,500 to 4,000 persons present. The labor of the previous sittings was evidently producing its desired effect on the public mind, and the enthusiasm displayed by the audience at the outbursts of eloquence of the various speakers showed that the movement is rapidly becoming the most popular one of the present day.

   The PRESIDENT said that he held in his hand a letter from a zealous and eloquent friend of the Temperance cause-—Rev. E. H. Chapin, which he would read; it was as follows:

ROCKPORT, Mass. Aug. 30, 1853

   DEAR SIR:--Other engagements connected with the Cause of Temperance will prevent my being present at the "Whole World's Convention" on the 1st of September, and I beg leave to send those few lines, that my absence may not be interpreted as indicating a want of sympathy with its great objects; I am sure, with such an opportunity and such men, you will not need me. It would afford me great pleasure could I be present. Respectfully yours, E. H. CHAPIN.

   To C. B. LE BARON, Sec'ry Con. W. W. T. C.

   The meeting was called to order at 7 ½ P.M. The Amphions sung the song, "Ben Fisher" composed by Mrs. Gage; after which Rev. Mr. Pierpont addressed the meeting thus:

   LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I have been requested to limit my remarks to one point. I have, therefore, no touching anecdotes to tell you, no scintillations of wit to amuse you, no appeal to make to your feelings; my business is to address a plain and close argument to your understandings. The point is this: "the propriety or necessity of penal legislation in the aid of moral reform," or, more closely, limited to the present purpose-—"the advantage or disadvantage of the Maine Law, or a Law at all analogous."

   I shall present my argument principally in the form of a reply to objections. We were told this evening, or rather, this afternoon, by our friend Mr. Booth, from Wisconsin, that the great objects of a meeting like this are, First, to create a public sentiment in favor of temperance; Secondly, to embody, to incarnate, that sentiment in the form of penal legislation against those standing in the way of the reform. To these objects objections arise, as stated this afternoon. First, it is said that penal legislation has been hitherto found wholly inoperative and entirely inefficient, in all cases of moral obliquity. We are told by the respected Delegate from Belgium, that we have as much stealing now in the world as there was before criminal enactments were directed against him who takes the property of another.

   I take this to be a specimen of that class of legislation to which he would object. Let me ask, ladies and gentlemen, how this can be known to be true? When was the time at which there was no legislation directed against this moral obliquity? But, if penal legislation be justified in any case, why not in this to which we seek to direct it? What is there to exempt this case? If it be penal to kill your neighbor with a bullet, why should it not be penal to kill him with the bowl? If it be penal to take away his life by poison, which does its work in six hours, why not penal to do so by one that takes six years for its deadly operation? Would you not measure the guilt of an act by the amount of suffering it causes? If, then, that which we work against, causes tenfold suffering, should not its punishment be ten-fold in severity? Alcohol produces ten times the amount of suffering that arsenic does. The latter destroys life: a few brief hours of agony and its work is done-—but the agony caused by alcohol, extending over months and years, torments its victim with more than tenfold cruelty. Arsenic takes away animal life merely; it touches not the soul; while alcohol gives, not only ten times the amount of animal agony, but also destroys the soul, sapping all moral feeling, quenching all intellectual light. Therefore my friends, I ask a more severe punishment for that crime which works the moral, and the immortal ruin, than for that whose touch overturns a mere tenement of clay.

   But we are told, in the same objection, that penalties are ineffectual; Precisely the same objection can be made to every law meant to prevent any of the whole catalogue of sins enumerated in the Decalogue. For example, there are murders every week; there are more murders than weeks in the year. Yet will you blot out the Sixth Commandment? And you may as well do so as leave it without a sanction. The law which is not followed by a sanction, is a blank paper. "Thou shall not kill!" That is the law. What, then, if you do kill? Nothing! Let it pass! That is a specimen of a law without a sanction! It thou destroyest the life of thy brother, thine own life shall answer for it. Break down his liberty, and thine own shall be tumbled to the ground. We have our apostle recognition of the principle. The Moral Law of God is dictated to prevent the violation by one man of the rights and liberties of another. Shall we exchange penal statutes, and thus, in practical effect, pronounce that there shall be no law? Ah! Try the experiment, and see how you shall come out of it.

   I doubt not my friend from Belgium would go with me against all capital punishment. I would not kill every rumseller, who propagates, as all do, murderous inebriety; but I would make him feel a penalty measured to his offense, and calculated to stop it.

   The other of the objections I have adverted to comes from the rumseller himself. It is in this form: "Gentlemen, friends of Temperance, take a word of counsel from a true friend. You mistake entirely the way in which this cause is to be carried on. Consider it is a moral cause, and therefore must be furthered by moral agencies alone. Do not let it interfere with politics; the moment it does, it is degraded; the pure ermine is sullied; the angel of light receives a blot upon her wings."

   Thank you, gentlemen! There is an old maxim in strategy, (the science of war). "Fas est et of hoste doceri," "It is right to take a lesson even from an enemy." I have no doubt it is the opinion of every rumseller in New York that it is periling the whole cause to bring it into the field of politics. I take the counsel, and with it, the ground that legal prohibition is moral action. I maintain that there is not that antagonism implied between moral and political action; and now, my argument is to that point, I would disabuse the community of the mistake made thereon. What is a moral act? I do not know how better to define it than thus,--an act resulting from, or consisting in, the activity of someone of the moral sentiments, let it be manifested or carried out by whatever instrumentality it may. We do not characterize an act of the instrumentality, but of the motives. Pardon the metaphysics of my arguments; I cannot help it, nor is it out of place; for there are before me metaphysicians, that is, men and women who have understanding. Let me give an illustration. Suppose a drunken neighbor goes into the woods, ties a cord round his neck, and to a tree, and hangs himself. I find him so. What shall I do? Leave him to his liberty-—to his free will to destroy himself? Humanity says "No." What do I do? Perhaps I undertake to untie the knot; but, finding I cannot I take out my jack knife, cut the rope, and let him down. Is that a moral action, so to save his life? I will not depend on my own judgment. I will take the sense of this sensible meeting. Whoever thinks it is a moral action, say ay. [Ay from the whole house.] Contrary, no. [Silence.] The ayes have it; it is a moral action. Next, let us see where lies the morality. In my jack knife? No! In my hand? No! In any part of my animal organization? No! I trace it back to moral sentiment; the love of our neighbor. Am I right? [Put to the house as before, and carried.] We have another illustration in the story of the good Samaritan. Let us vary that a little; let us suppose that, instead of one, there were twenty men found in piteous plight, cut down by banditti. The first cries, "Attend to me!" The second exclaims, "Oh! Come first to my aid!" Another means, "Ah! Give me help!" What now d[o]es the good Samaritan do? He puts spurs to his horse, dashes down to Jericho, finds the council of that city in session, and cries, "Magistrates and fathers of this city, I want you to send nurses, surgeons, any kind of aid you can, to make an appropriation for the sufferers." The magistrates say, "Yes, there are a thousand dollars for their relief." Is that a moral action on the part of the magistrates of Jericho? [Voted so by the meeting.] You say that is moral in the Jerichoites? Now, Jericho was a city; a city is called in Greek polis, whence, the adjective politicos, "of a city." Whence the words politics and political, which are applicable to any municipal corporation, and may be used from a town council up to the Congress of the United States. I ask, is not political and moral action incumbent in any corporation. [Voted by the house.] Therefore, where a municipality takes action in favor of humanity, there is at once political and moral action. That is the answer.

   My neighbor hangs to a tree. Am I to indulge any very moral sentiment, and leave him there? How is he the better of that? But, when I carry out my good feeling animally by my arm, and mechanically by my jack knife, then I do right: otherwise I leave the world no better, save in gratifying myself this very individual sentiment, which is a precious small matter.

   My friends, what do we do in this Convention? We ask a law to protect the wife and family of the intemperate man. We ask it from kind feelings to our fellow creatures, exposed to the worst of all sufferings. We cannot get that in the present form of society except through political organization, and God places us where we are to do go. Moral sentiment carried out by political organization is my argument. Is it your opinion? If so, vote it. [Put to the meeting and passed without dissent.]

   Well then, if I am wrong, you are wrong too; we are all in the same predicament. Thus the objection, tried by metaphysics and moral administration, is futile, therefore no more from you, oh, rumsellers! Except you mean to be laughed at. We mean to keep ourselves to moral action.

   There is one other objection. "Gentlemen, it is vain for you to talk to the drunken man of reform, by making it penal for him to get drunk; in other words, you cannot carry out a moral object by physical force; or, in other words still, "you cannot force a man in through the gate of heaven at the point of the bayonet." I know it, and am glad we cannot.

   I reply, you do not understand our object. We ask a law analogous to the Maine Law, not with an immediate view to the drunkard; he is not named in the law, nor alluded to. To whom, then, is the law directed? To the drunkard-maker. We appeal to the poor drunken man, and he admits his fault, but pleads want of manhood to resist. Here are men, the business of whose lives is to tempt him. Society says; "We cannot stand out as advocates of Temperance; it is the business of the State, not to save men's souls, but to protect citizens in the enjoyment of their rights." Here let me be understood, if possible. Religion has one function, to bring men to light out of darkness; the State has another, to protect every individual in the protection of his rights; then the State has discharged its duty; or the law says, it is "functus officio."

   Now, the State says every parent in the community has a right to the services of his children, male and female; therefore, it is a wrong to withdraw children from the discipline, influence, instruction of their parents, and to deprive them of their services. 'Tis so as between husband and wife, and wife and husband. It is the business of the State to protect husbands, wives, parents, and children. Till this is done the work of the State is not done.

   The State itself has a right to say, "I demand the services of every one of my citizens, and therefore have a right to see to his condition of body and mind; and so, in justice to myself, I may say to every man, this man is under my care; I have a right to his services, and you shall not unfit him to render them."

   The State knows nothing of the conscience, and of that sin the account of which lies between man and God. That is the business of religion; but the State takes the ground, "If you deprive me, or any whom I protect, of that which is their due, I am right in punishing you." That is my argument.

   The audience, understanding that each speaker was limited to half an hour, showed impatience, and though Mr. Pierpoint seemed to have more to say, the Chairman explained that speakers were not limited, but requested to limit themselves, Mr. P. gave way and sat down.

   The PRESIDENT—-I have now the pleasure of introducing to this Convention, as the next speaker, one who for simplicity and uprightness of character make all compliments from me, from any one, an impertinence-—LUCRETIA MOTT, of Philadelphia.

   The President left the chair, and politely escorted Mrs. Mott to the stand amid the hearty applause of the audience. When silence was restored she proceeded to address the audience as follows:

   You have had this cause presented in so many forms and in so many ways that there seems indeed little left and little necessity for any additional remarks. It has been presented in its comic as well as in its tragic dress, and it has had the harmony of sweet sounds to commend it to you. It has had political appeals not a little, and moral appeals-—would that I could say more. I doubt not that our friend who last spoke in his zeal for political action, and in what were regarded as able arguments to sustain it, that he somewhat unintentionally overlooked, or rather, in my view at least, set too light an estimate on the moral aspects of the case. Indeed, I have thought from time to time, that in such an assemblage as this, if the subject could be held up in its sublime moral aspect; if the hearts of temperance reformers could have been appealed to again and again to carry forward this enterprise on this ground, more than they have done, they need not fear but that there would be plenty of political action just as fast as the moral sentiment is brought up to a condition to enact a law, for we know very well that our government-—that our statesmen-—that our politicians have enough of the retaliatory spirit. That all these great reformatory movements are in accordance with each other, and the moralist as well as the politician may rejoice that the cause has advanced so far that their retaliatory instrumentalities are used now on the side of temperance rather than of intemperance, and rather than in the granting of licenses, and such other acts as governments, laws and statesmen have been wont to perform. I have no doubt but this will be the case.

   They will find that in all these reforms there is work enough for them to stir up the pure mind in themselves, and in urging on the progress of the cause of truth—-to hold up the light higher and higher, and cause it to shine brighter and brighter before more sustained action. It is interesting to trace the progress of this cause from its earliest movement; how it began by very little action, and how it has gone on by faithfulness to greater and greater activity, until now this entire teetotal ground has been attained. And we may remember, too, how earnest, how vigilant, how constantly active, were the Temperance reformers. Our friend, in illustration of right in political action, referred also to the practical case mentioned by the blessed Jesus of Nazareth, in the treatment of the man who was stripped, robbed and left half dead by the roadside.

   The temperance men and temperance women have been endeavoring to carry out the principle of the good Samaritan, and in proportion as they have taken the ground of benevolence and morality, have they succeeded in their efforts? Mrs. Mott proceeded to describe the early experience of those who were engaged in the Temperance movement. She had herself been ashamed to enter the temperance meeting to raise her voice in behalf of this poor drunkard, because she was an abolitionist. It was feared by the temperance friends that her presence would bring odium on their cause!

   The various moral reformers were, however, becoming more and more liberal in their views and sentiments, and they discovered that there was not so much danger in blending several reforms together as was at first believed. And still more recent events had made it imperative that these exclusive notions should be annihilated. They now found a L[l]oyd Garrison and an Elihu Burritt occupying the Temperance platform.

   They could not restrain the natural course of such principles as Peace, Temperance and Liberty to unite together. They were united in the same individuals, and were of the same kindred. It had been the same with regard to the movement for Woman's Rights. It was supposed that it would be an injury to the cause of temperance for those who were engaged in that movement to be likewise prominent in this. However, next week, the Women would have a meeting of their own in the Tabernacle. The various leaders of the different moral movements could now rejoice together and mingle their power and spirits together in that great and holy cause, without fear or outrage to the feelings of any. She rejoiced at the fact that the children were all with them in that cause; it was occasioned by their purity of soul; and were she speaking on a Theological instead of a Temperance platform, she would say it was from their inherent love of right—-their natural love of right, for she did not believe in the doctrine so long taught in the churches of the inherent and natural corruption of the child. [Cheers.]

   The speaker appealed to the high moral sense of her audience to adopt the utmost liberality towards all other movements, and after condemning the custom of appealing to scripture in support of slavery and intemperance, and concluded by referring to the vision of Peter, which was intended to teach the great Christian doctrine of equality; that God was no respector of persons, but that in every nation, they that feared him and worked righteousness were accepted of him. (Long continued applause.)

   The PRESIDENT announced that Hon. JOHN P. HALE was in the audience and requested that he should come forward and address the Convention from the platform.

   Mr. HALE appeared amid the cheers of the assemblage and addressed the Convention as follows:

   Mr. PRESIDENT—-I think I can assure my friends without any affectation that I least expected to address them this evening, and when I have gone off from the stage I am certain all will believe in my sincerity when I say that I came entirely unprepared to address you. But I have come to a determination that I will never turn my back to that which has my commendation and my sympathies, and my heart was with you before I came forward to respond to your call. As I have nothing arranged in my mind to say, you will therefore permit me to give what illustrations from my own experience within a few days which may come to my recollection, with the hope that they may suggest something that will be a profitable subject for consideration.

   A week since I was riding in the cars through my native village in New Hampshire, and the engineer being considerably behind his time, and fearing that he would be too late to make the necessary connection, put on a little extra speed. It so happened that an aged woman, fully eighty-five years old, who was walking casually up the track, was struck by the engine, knocked down, and in an instant was a lifeless corpse. It sent a thrill of horror through the village, and loud and deep were the execrations and denunciations heaped upon the Railroad Company and the parties having charge of the train and locomotive for this reckless loss of life.

   When I arrived in this City, I took a letter from the office post marked from the village to which I have referred, and its contents were an inquiry if the law afforded no remedy against such an act. This is a solitary instance, but who does not remember the fearful calamity which happened in Connecticut, when fifty human beings, without a moment's warning, were summoned to close their connection with the affairs of time, and enter upon the realities of another world. What was the result? From one end of the country to the other, newspaper politicians, legislators, philosophers and all, were examining the question to know if there could not be something devised, some law enacted by which the lives of those who were entitled to the protection of the law could be protected. They did not stop here, for the Legislature of Connecticut introduced a stringent bill, which became a law, and her citizens and the passing stranger will be hereafter guarded against a Railroad calamity, resulting from a drawbridge. Well, now, if the wise legislators of Connecticut understand the sphere of their inquiry,--for there is not a State in the Union in which tons of thousands of its citizens are not killed, not suddenly, I admit—-it seems to me that they would find that drawbridges were not the only things from which they have to fear death while in her borders.

   Again, my friends, whose sympathies have not been excited, whose heart has not bled as it has dwelt upon the fearful tale which comes to us telling us of the ravages which pestilence is making now in our neighboring city of New Orleans. But suppose it was told that there were persons in that city of whom it was known that they were engaged in the sale of an article of food which from its very nature excited this disease or rendered people more susceptible to an attack from it, and that they were following this nefarious traffic to gain riches, would you give any money to aid the sufferers until her authorities had done something to put down the business of those who were dealing in the article?

   But is there not a pestilence, compared with which the yellow fever is as naught and Railroad disasters do not deserve to be mentioned. The citizens of New Orleans hope that with the approach of cold weather, that the contagion will leave them, but we have a contagion that carries off its victims at all seasons, in the heat of summer, and the cold of winter—-no season, no climate, and no locality is free from it. It strikes down its victims in cities, in forests, and men are daily engaged in feeding the disease by rolling intoxicating liquors, and nothing seemingly can assuage its violence.

   The yellow fever may be, comparatively speaking, easily dealt with. Several causes may exist to create the pestilence. Stagnant pools may create the miasma, but they may be removed and the effects will cease, but deaths from intemperance occur at all times-—they have never ceased.

   Whilst sympathies and pity compel men to do something to assuage sufferings from pestilence why is it that in relation to this great evil they stand silent and dumb. Is it not time that the active sympathies of the people should be aroused in behalf of this other pestilence, and that men should investigate the means to stop its ravages. The discovery of vaccination as a prevention of the small pox was a great discovery, but the discovery of the preventative of the ravages of intemperance is a greater. The movers in the temperance cause have discovered the remedy in that which they have adopted as their motto, "Touch not, taste not, nor handle not," the impure thing. They have discovered the true antidote to the evil.

   I do not propose to go into the details of this subject for the time will not admit of it. I came up in obedience to your call to let you know that my heart is with you. I will further announce that I will not any time turn my back to a cause which I believe to be for the public weal, and least of all will I turn my back because you have invited our mothers, wives and sisters to participate in the deliberations of this Convention. [Loud applause.] Such a work as this, my friends, should command the sympathies of woman, who was the last at the cross, and the first at the sepulcher. [Loud applause.]

   The cause is a field of philanthrophy so wide that all can work without jostling against each other. We may work in the manner that our judgments indicate but all our labors are needed. I will not trespass longer upon your patience, and I must confess that I owe an apology for attempting to speak upon the subject of Temperance when I stand in the presence of John Pierpont.

   The President then introduced Mr. E. L. SNOW.

   He said he was called on unexpectedly, but he felt himself honored in being permitted to speak before such an audience. The cause in which we are engaged is such, and the platform one so broad that no age, color or sex should be excluded. Our principles are so broad that we have Democrats and Whigs, and every shade of political opinion, all laboring, side by side, in this great cause. When I look around me, a painful period of my life is brought back to my mind. Once I was a rumseller in the City of Boston, and I remember that, accompanied by several of my fellows, I was going to a Temperance meeting to put down the speakers. Before we went we took several drinks; when we got there, I saw this gentleman, [pointing to Mr. Pierpont] presiding; I felt that he was too good a man, and had labored too long in the service of the public good, and when one of my friends was about to insult and abuse him and put his fist in his face with a curse, I stepped between them, and told him he would have to do it over my body [Cheers]. He then went on to contrast the difference between that period, and the present. Then the advocate of Temperance principles was hissed from the stage, now he is listened to with respectful attention. From this he augered the nearness of the time when all shall acknowledge the Maine Law. [Cheers.]

   Loud calls were now made for William Lloyd Garrison, who came forward, and briefly addressed them. He said, I am glad to be with you on this occasion, and to see so many ardent supporters of the Maine Law here. But, my friends, I am no politician, and my suffrage is restricted from the ballot box, as I am a man of peace, and cannot recognize any laws that are in favor of war, and the Maine Law, if enacted, is to be carried out, even at the peril of human life. I do not recognize any laws that countenance slavery, and therefore I could not vote for the Maine Law, if he voted for that law, or any other, or for a man who would pledge himself to support it, he would be virtually recognizing the validity of the laws of the country, recognizing the Constitution, and that Constitution declares the right of the President to make war, and support the Compromise measures. How could I, as a peace man, do this? How could I tell the poor slave that I am his friend, and vote for this law? But I say to those voters who are not so sensitive on those points, that if you do vote at all, vote for the Maine Law. But for one, I shall take that position which my conscience will sanction.

   I doubt if the Maine Law would do all you give it credit for. There are laws against profanity, yet there is none the less swearing. There is a law against lewdness, but is it lessened thereby? He thought too much confidence is placed in law; men are apt to shift off their moral responsibility, and rely upon Legislation. All political reforms are fruits and not the parents of morality. It is obvious that men who need laws to govern them are not fit to be trusted. He concluded by hoping that the principles of temperance would be carried out to their fullest extent, by all present in such way as the cause would justify. [Cheers.]

   A motion was made that when the Convention adjourned it did so to meet at 9 o'clock this morning.

   Mr. OLIVER JOHNSON said he hoped the motion would not prevail. He preferred to let the audience go home with the eloquence they have been listening to fresh and warm on their minds, rather than to meet again this morning and have their ardor damped by a small and fatigued audience. If they wanted to hear more speaking, let them come to this evening's banquet. [Cheers.]

   The motion was withdrawn.

   It was now moved that Mr. CARSON prepare a synopsis of his League Organization, for publication in the proceedings. Carried.

   Loud calls were made for Miss LUCY STONE. She came forward and spoke of the legal disfranchisement of women. As the outside world has chosen to repudiate her influence, she was glad to find within this Convention that woman is recognized as a helper in the great work of reform.

   She would desire to urge that all present should lend their earnest aid to the cause of Temperance. Let us have this movement continued until the last man shall have ceased to defile his hands with the accursed price of rum.

   If there be but one with us, as Frederick Douglas[s] has said, "that one is a majority." No matter [i]f the cause be unpopular, to side with truth is noble. I believe the day will come when we can write in the hearts of the people, the truth of our belief. We can't afford to be other than Temperance men and women.

   Waldo Emerson said, and I wish the he was here to say it himself, that the girl at the spinning frame tied a broken thread so carelessly, that when the fabric was woven and dressed it was imperfect, and the master traced it back to the girl who carelessly caused it, and she was made to pay the damage. So it will be with us, my friends; if we do not exert a good influence on society there will be a damaged woof, a faulty thread, and the great Master will trace the fault to its source. [Cheers.]

   "If I were a voice" was then sung by the Amphions.

   The whole of the resolutions were then passed unanimously.

   A note of thanks were tendered to the reporters for the general fidelity of their reports, and the judgment displayed in presenting the prominent features of the proceedings.

   Dr. PARMLY then offered the following:

   I move that the thanks of this Whole World's Temperance Convention so remarkable for good order, harmony and earnest enthusiasm, be offered to our President, Thomas W. Higginson, for the able dignified and courteous manner in which he has presided over its deliberations; having at every succeeding sessions highly distinguished himself for clear views, nice discrimination, and a just and impartial regard for the claims and rights of every individual member, as well as to the great and good cause which has called us together. Carried unanimously.

   A vote of thanks were then tendered to the Amphions for their beautiful songs.

   The President then announced the Convention adjourned sine die.

   Our temperance friends who have been engaged in getting up this important Convention, congratulate themselves on the complete success of their undertaking. Never was there a more promising time for this best and most efficient of all moral movements. It is taking that bold position as a movement which its principle so richly deserves, and which the benefits it has already produced on society so amply justify. We have no doubt but the proceedings to-day will become fraught with still deeper interest, enhanced as they will be by the festivities of a sumptuous banquet, provided by the New-York Vegetarian Society as a complimentary tribute of respect to their Temperance brethren. The feast is to be free from all kinds of fish, flesh and fowl, and will be an appropriate conclusion to the sittings of the Convention, whose great object has been to promote a principle of justice, mercy and benevolence.

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