Document 7B: "Temperance. Whole World's Temperance Convention," New York Times, Sept. 3, 1853, p. 1.

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Whole World's Temperance Convention


    This Assembly resumed its sittings yesterday morning. A large number of both ladies and gentlemen were present in the lobby of the Hall. The Chairman having read the resolutions brought forward at the previous day's meeting, the Amphions sang a Temperance hymn, beginning with the words, "Intemperance, like a raging flood."

    Rev. Wm. CHANNING, of Rochester, said:

    The song of our friends had reference to the flood of Intemperance, and was not that a sign that the flood was abating from off the face of the earth, and that the Lord had formed an ark; and not only that, but that the dove has gone forth upon its mission, and had returned with the olive branch. The characteristics of such Convention might be summed up in this manner; and let it not be considered that he was irreverent in speaking thus of their great ancestress [?] --it was the disappearance of Mrs. Adam and the reappearance of Miss Eve --(a laugh)--the disappearance he might say, of woman, as she had been mis-shaped by man, and her reappearance, as she had been sent forth from the hand of God. (Hear) Now her full, free, cordial and unrestricted cooperation was an indication that, as she had been represented in former instances to be the Angel of Death that dragged man to the dust, now she was an Angel of Heaven, to lead him onward. (Cheers) One of their friends had yesterday alluded to rowing with one oar. Now, if it were allowable in masculine boasting to call man the right side, he would say that woman was the left; and the worst of it was, she had been paralyzed in the left eye and ear, and hand and side and had been unable to drag the crippled weight along. When MICHAEL ANGELO drew his picture of day light, he represented the left hand holding the chisel, and the right the hammer and the left was represented holding the palette, and the right the brush. If any of them had been to hear OLE Bull the night before they must have seen that when he put the instrument to his left shoulder, the delicate touches were partly bought out by the left hand as well as the right; so when the full tone of society was to be brought out the left hand of woman must hold the keys. [Cheers] In order to carry out the prohibitory law, so as to bring it to ear with full power upon society, they absolutely needed the full cooperation of woman, her power and her example to make it effectual. She should bring her powers to bear upon men, who now stood as her representatives and her agents. She must see that her agents did their duty, and this she must do as a mother, a sister, and a friend; she must say to every one whom she loved, and sent forth on the mission of society,--see that you act your part bravely as a man; if otherwise, when you come home to me you will read in my face the consciousness of your shame. He recollected a sister of the Revolution, who sent forth her brother to the camp with these words: "I send forth my brother, with the certainly that he will be faithful to his duty, and if I had twenty brothers, I would send them." He would thus have every woman send forth her friend into this great struggle, to fight the fight manfully, certain that if he came out without doing so, he would not meet with her acceptance or approval. He should likewise be glad that woman should adopt the true mode of expressing her sentiments on this question, not so much in the nature of a petition, as in the form of a declaration of opinion. He should be glad to see them most in primary assembly as whenever the prohibitory law was brought forward, to see whether it should be passed or not. As regarded the execution of that law, it was sometimes asked, whether the prohibitory law, having been successful, if it could not be made more thoroughly effective. Now he thought that depended more on the cooperation of women than on any other cause. They had an example of this the other day not certainly in the specific form which he could at all times sympathize with. They undoubtedly had been 'tried as a mob'; but still he should very much like to see women tried for such a mob proceeding to New York, on the same principles--that was, that the law having passed the Legislature, and man being backward in enforcing it, women should come forward to compel him; he would like to see them some come forward even as axe-men, to break in the bond of the barrel, or pull out the spigot and let the liquor run. [Cheers] The cause of intemperance--that is the indulgence in low excitement--was the want of high excitement. The reason persons indulged in low stimulus was because there were no healthful stimulants supplied to the heart and conscience. Who were the rowdies? They were young men, and their companions were young women, who, if they had been supplied with high excitement would never have indulged in low passions. They might observe the truth of this by going to the National Theatre, and there they would see by the expression of sympathy during the performance of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and tea[r]s and sighs [?], how the heart of man could not be made to rise responsive to the kindly touch, and how in woman had the power so to raise it. [Cheers] The fact was they wanted amusements to administer to the mind healthful stimulants. If they did not make this a point it was all in vain for them to have prohibitory legislation. They must have it as the exalted drama, and lectures, and social gatherings, where the healthful influences may be brought together. They needed, too, pleasure grounds and large halls in their great cities, and indeed, altogether a new spirit to leaven society. In conclusion, it appeared to him that the meeting should not close without some proof of a continuation of the movement thus commenced. Let the present Convention institute a series of others, without any distinction of sect, or sex, or color, race or country. Woman would thus cooperate in the work, not only of restraining intemperance, but also of bringing back the public to that hearty tone of high health which should take the place of the feverish delirium caused by drunkenness.

    The speaker concluded by preparing a resolution, to the effect that the only effective means of preventing the indulgence in low excitement, was the supply of high excitement; and that the best antidote for the artificial stimulant of alcohol, was the natural stimulant of social enjoyments,--the supplies of libraries, museums, pleasure-grounds, &c, &c.

    M. DUGDALE then briefly informed the meeting, as a proof that at least one body in the land had taken up the question, that a Pennsylvania yearly meeting of progressive Friends had given their expression of adherence to the enactment of laws for the suppression of intoxicating liquors.

    Mr. CLARK then sang a spirited Temperance song, the commencing verses of which were to the following effect:

The world is on the move;
Look about! Look about!
There is much we may improve,
Do not doubt; do not doubt;
And by all we understand,
May be heard throughout the land
The warning voice at hand,
Ringing out; ringing out,
Though gloomy hearts despond [?],
To the sky! To the sky!
There's a sun that shines beyond
Bye-and-by; bye-and-by,
Though the vessel, that we urge
Shalt beneath the surface merge,
The beacon on the surge
Shall be nigh; shall be nigh,

Step by step the longest march
Can be done; can be done;
Single stones will form an arch--
One by one; one by one.
And by union all we will,
May be all accomplished still &c., &c.

    He concluded by drinking, in a glass of cold water, which he said the altered fashions, since the days of TOM MOORE permitted him, the following toast; "Here is a health to the memory of the man--I do not know his name, but no matter for that--who chopped down the trees that cleared the land, that plowed the ground, that raised the corn, that fed the goose, that bore the quill, that made the pen, that wrote the pledge of total abstinence from all intoxicating liquors. [Cheers and laughter]

    Mr. ARNOLD BUFFON, of Rhode Island, then proposed the following resolution: "That all preachers of the Gospel, who have in their congregation persons who let houses or stores to be used for the sale of intoxicating drinks are earnestly invited by this whole World's Convention to preach a sermon on the text, 'Every good tree bringeth forth good fruit, but the corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit; wherefore by their fruit ye shall know them'". He thought clergymen and preachers of the Gospel, throughout the whole land would preach one sermon from this text, for in this useful parable of the blessed Jesus there is a great deal of instruction directly applicable. The term tree, here spoken of, would apply to the distiller, that brought forth evil fruit, and to all those who deal in it, as well as used it, for their fruits were indeed evil, and that continually. It would apply to the bar-owner of the splendid hotel, and to the keeper of the low groggery. It would apply also to the general custom of using intoxicating drinks, and to the men who stood so high, and so respectably in the public estimation, as the owners of real property and houses and stores, that they would be ashamed to be seen indulging in intoxicating drinks themselves, and yet let out their shops and their houses for the sale of intoxicating drinks. These, too, were the trees that were seen by their fruits.

    Rev. Mr. ARMSTRONG, of Saratoga, having here risen to a point of order, in which, however, the meeting did not agree with him.

    Mr. WHITNEY, of Massachusetts, was introduced. He made a long speech, which was attentively listened to.

    He referred to the manner in which men became drunkards. It was a very simple process, and if one avoided the beginning, we should always avoid the ending. There were three things, either natural in the first place, or introduced by art, that were disagreeable in the beginning--Alcohol, Tobacco, and Opium. When they were tasted at first, they were invariably disagreeable. There might be one exception in a thousand, but generally speaking, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, or even there, their taste at first nauseated. Next day, however, it might be they touched them with a feeling that was less disagreeable; and by and by, he repeating them day after day made the taste become reconciled to them, and their consumption an agreeable thing. The great plan, therefore, was the keeping from them altogether in the first place. It used once to be said by the advocates of Temperance, for that reason; "Only give us the young, and we will prevail." But, alas! this might no longer be said, for now the children even learned to consume tobacco and alcohol.

    He should speak of the early effects of Rum. Friends! avoid the tasting. While your taste is simple and natural and healthy, don't destroy it. They say all the children are with us; but they must be very small children, for I see, Sir, that the children, too, in this your City, are given to tobacco, and perhaps to rum, too. Is it not better to prevent the thing, than to cure it. It was said years ago, Give us these children and we will prevent them learning this vice; but we have not taught them. He would say to parents, and all having the care of the young. See that you do not deceive them. There is no danger of them plunging into drunkenness if they never learn the taste. A clergyman once sent a boy to purchase some cigars, and the boy tried them, got sick, and was satisfied with one trial. The danger with the rum, though, is, that if they taste it once, they want to try again. The office of Women is to help us "learn" (probably meaning teach) the young. He had learned that there was a gentleman here who had taken a prominent share in the work of sustaining the Maine Law in this State. He, the Speaker, wanted to say a few words about the workings of the law in his own State, Massachusetts. He proceeded to consider this point at length but was interrupted by

    A VOICE--Will the gentleman allow me to ask a question? Whether the violations of the law in Massachusetts are the rule or the exception?

    The speaker gave it as his impression that the great majority of those who are prosecuted escape. He considered the present law the best one we ever had. He hoped it would is carried forward to speedy success. He called special attention to the necessity of a concert of action among the friends of Temperance. He next considered the experiment of prohibitory laws. In all large cities they will do very much as the public sentiment goes. If the law is a popular one it will be executed if not popular it will not be executed. [Applause] This was all the explanation he could give. We should, Mr. President, and the whole human family against this universal evil. It takes the must developed, and the least developed. It takes them all, it them all, it them all. [Applause] Never forget that the vilest man and woman you can find, even in this great City, are members of the great family of God; and that, vile as they seem, they are capable being fed and clothed; and being in their right mind, to be restored to the blessings of home and family.

    Two or three voices began to ask questions; some on the floor; others from the gallery.

    Mr. OLIVER JOHNSON objected to this Socratic method of discussion. Every speaker was interrupted, and he deemed it proper that friends should not be required to stand and answer queries. They should be first allowed to finish their remarks [Cheers and hisses.]

    The CHAIR sustained the right of the questioners, and of the speaker to answer. If the speaker demanded the protection of the Chair, it should be accorded to him. [Sensation.]

    Mr. WHITNEY said it did not disturb him in the least to answer questions. He would say to the gentleman in the gallery that he did not vote, but he did all he could otherwise for Temperance. He then sat down.

    Loud cries of "Mr. President," "Mr. Chairman," resounded from all parts of the Hall. A score of men were on their feet at once, and there was confusion.

    Mr. JOHNSON, of Pearl street, moved a limitation of fifteen minutes for speakers, at the evening session.

    The motion was amended to ten minutes, and so passed.

    The CHAIRMAN put a sharp stick in the ribs of the disorderly. Conversation, he suggested, should cease to he carried on in so loud a tone as to interrupt the proceedings of the Convention, and people at the other end to the room should sit down--otherwise he could not see who addressed the Chair.

    The uprisers became silent.

    The PRESIDENT wished to say a few words about the Maine Law in Massachusetts. He called Mr. GREELEY to take the Chair.

    Mr. GREELEY accordingly assumed his seat.

    The PRESIDENT resumed: He had been frequently questioned as to the feeling of the people of Massachusetts in respect to the Law, all he had to say was, that if you want to test the public sentiment there, just ask the people of the State to repeal that Law! [Laughter and applause.] The Law had been modified in some respects from the Maine enactment. The cities and large towns demanded a somewhat different system. It was now an argument before the Supreme Court whether the Police Court have jurisdiction in cases of liquor prosecution. When this principle is settled, which it will soon be in favor of Temperance, then look out for stormy seas in our cities and towns. The matter is now under advisement in the cases of men in Salem and Lowell. At this moment, therefore, you must not look to the cities of Massachusetts for indications of the public sentiment regarding the Law. You must look back six months when the Act was really enforced as it should be, And you must look forward six months, to the time when it will be again enforced thoroughly. A gentleman had inquired whether the execution of the law was the rule or the exception in the speakers State. He would reply that there were many towns and villages already in Massachusetts where no liquor is openly sold. The friends of the Law must work. The Law is not like the boy's whistle, that whistled itself; it must be executed carefully and conscientiously. We are waiting till the September term of the highest Court, to test the proper method of averting the evil, and of suppressing the trade in intoxicating liquors. The Speaker was sanguine of the ultimate success of the friends of Temperance, the speedy enforcement of the Liquor Law, and a great resultant of peace and happiness. He closed by introducing another speaker.

    Mrs. C. J. NICHOLS, Editor of the Wyndham Free Soil Democrat, was then introduced to the audience amid loud applause.

    I am not (said she) unconscious, friends, that I stand yet upon a contested platform--that my woman's foot presses ground denied to her to maintain--so you will allow me to make some reference to this point. There are subjects which it is not relevant to allude to upon this platform; but, friends, in presenting to you the necessity for the Maine Law, I must show you the deep and great need of woman for the enactment. I cannot present to you women's claim to the Maine Law, to restore the sweet harmonies of domestic life, without presenting to you the discord which intemperance has made upon the heart strings of woman and children. You will therefore allow me in my remarks to state my positions and to maintain them as in my judgment is best. It has been a common remark, and one which is entertained both by both by church members and members of the State, that woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance --woman, who is not herself convicted of the crime of intemperance--who is not herself given to intemperance --as a class, woman is the greatest sufferer. Yet few have found who have asked who,--why does woman, who is not herself the victim of vice, suffer more than man, who is Here, my friends is the point to which I wish to call your attention. Woman is the greatest sufferer, because she belongs and is bound hand and foot, and given to the protection of her husband. I say that woman is the greatest sufferer, because the laws of the land have bound her hand and foot, and committed her soul and body to the protection of her husband; and when he falls to protect her through imbecility, misjudgment, misfortune, or intemperance, she suffers. It is because the mother of humanity cannot hold in her own hand the bread she earns to feed her babes and children--it is because of the crimes of her inebriate husband. If he be one, that she suffers. It is because the babes that she rears are given to the custody of the drunken husband. And, friends, if intemperance did not invade our homes-- if it did not take from us our clothing, our bread, and the means for our self-development, and for the training of our children to respectability and usefulness--if it did not take the babes from our bosoms,--I would not stand here. [Applause] And this, friends, although it be woman's right, I must present to you as my justification for addressing you upon this occasion I feel, friends, that man cannot row the boat of humanity alone, for when he does so, it goes round and round in a circle, until at length his arm tires, and he, with all his craft on board, is engulfed.  It seems to me that the great cause of humanity is very much in the position of a little child, of whom I will state a little anecdote in illustration. A friend of mine, a few weeks ago, taking a journey in a stage coach met in it a man with a little infant in his arms--an infant of months--in the arms of the father. My friend was exceedingly interested in that child, and was filled with wonder and many apprehensions for the reason that this father should be carrying that infant a long journey in his arms, and no mother with it. She fancied that the mother was dead. How could she think anything else? She inquired of him "Where is the baby's mother?" Said he, "She would not come along with us;" when husband and wife disagree they must separate. She said, "And you take the little babe?" "Yes" said he. He had the right and the power. Said my friend, "When the child is hungry, can you feed it?" "Oh yes," answered he, "I can feed it, for I have a pocket full of cakes." After a man has gone through the world into every department of life--into the Legislature--and has been engaged in all the social improvements carried out for humanity --a pocket full of cakes--and humanity is dyspeptic, and all the intelligence and the morality of the country has been fed upon cakes from a man's pocket. [Laughter and applause] It is dyspeptic; and what we now ask is that it may be restored to the mother-fountain [?] of humanity, and drink the milk of human kindness that God has stored in the breast of woman, [Applause] In my remarks this morning, I to bear particularly upon the responsibility of Christians in this movement, and upon the responsibility of Church members and the Church of Christ. As a member of a Christian Church, I appeal to my brothers and sisters with a heart full of love and yearning that they may meet me upon this ground, that I may find a response in their soul, which will give me courage to move onward in the course of self-denial and duty in this cause. I know that churches of different denominations act with different power upon the great reforms of the day. The Churches of which I am a member act in their separate capacities. The churches are independent bodies, and act separately,--one church cannot control the action of another church. I speak of the Baptist denomination, and it is so with many other bodies of Christians. I have noticed with a great deal of pleasure that as this movement has progressed, the churches have come up and passed resolutions endorsing the Maine Law, and pledging themselves to give their influence and their power to the work. But it strikes me that it is not the whole duty of the Christian Church to pray and talk upon it. I have conversed with some of our clergy, who are among the foremost friends of the Maine Law--who have given us sermon upon sermon, line upon line, and precept upon precept, which they nobly dared to do; yet I have not found the first one of them--and I say it with a sad heart --who will recommend political action, and who will recommend that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members upon this question. You may think me ultra; but first carry it to the throne of God--stand before the bar of the Almighty-- and then can you convict me, my friends, when I say that the Church should take cognizance of the political action of its members? No one, for a moment, can then, I think, suppose that God himself does not take cognizance of political acts as Christian duty. They say they do not see how we could recognize the political action of our members. We do not see how we could discipline them as to the manner in which they should vote upon the question. Now, friends, what is the organization of Christianity worth, if you cannot reach a member of that body in all his actions-- if you cannot reach him, and bring the force of the Church, as an organization, to bear upon every individual member, in his action in any department in life? What is that organization worth? I think that much of the embarrassment upon this point arises from the association of the past. In the past, a man might drink rum and sell rum, and be a good Christian, but you must recollect there were days of darkness. Perhaps when God winked at sin and ignorance, then his Church might; but now there is no sin or ignorance to be winked at, and you will understand that now we are responsible to God for all our ability and all our influence; and by-the-bye, if we are responsible to use all our influence for God, we are under obligation to acquire all the influence we can for the same high and holy purpose--the Church as a body, as well as the individual members. In the past we have given all that we had to the good work. We all have pledged ourselves to the Almighty, that we will be one with humanity, and give our life and all our efforts for its salvation from wrong done and wrong doing. We have made the application just so far as we could see the wrong done, and we have come up to the work, and given ourselves to it unreservedly; but in the course of time-- for we know that he that runs shall read--light shall break in upon our path, and we shall see more room for truth, and unless the Church comes up as a body, and every individual member of it, and gives the whole to God, they are failing [?] in Christ and not doing their duty. If the Church has more knowledge and more light upon the evils of intemperance to day--if the Church knows as well as the individual member knows that the vote of every man fixes upon us the sin of intemperance, or goes to carry it from the land, then his Church is responsible to come up to that point of discipline, and enforce it against every man who votes against the Maine Law. I may be in advance upon you on this point, but I doubt whether there is one in this assembly who will not endorse this principle. If this be so, then you are bound by every consideration, as Christians and as human beings, to carry out these principles--for when will principles become of use to the world until they are made practical? The Church has more to do in the matter than this, or rather they are more deeply interested then to the extent I have stated. Nearly two-thirds of our Church are made up of women, and woman is the greatest sufferer from intemperance. I have for more than thirty years been a member of a Christian Church; I joined it in my childhood, and side and side I have set with aged women who had been obliged to procure divorces from drunken husbands. The fair orator concluded her remarks by calling upon her hearers to sustain the principles of the Maine Law.

    Mrs. VAUGHAN then came forward, and adduced well-known arguments; finally proposing that the Women of this State should organize themselves into Committees previous to the coming election, and suggested that they should wait upon the voters at the poll, and elsewhere, for the purpose of inducing them to support the Maine Law candidates.

    Mr. WOLLASTON, of Vermont, followed:

    He had formerly been a general. He was now a general too, but there was this difference. He was then a General in the army of king Alcohol, but now, he thanked God, he was a general representative to this Convention from the beautiful little State of Vermont. Before the passage of the law in Vermont, they had another law there, which, however, was of no use. It was left to the Justices of the Peace to give license to sell liquor to such as they might deem best entrusted with it: but that was of no earthly use so it was abandoned, and the people were now satisfied with the Maine law, which was substituted for it. He did not mean to say, that because the Maine law was passed by the legislature of Vermont that there was no liquor sold there. There was a good deal used, but the Sons of Industry were working with industry and success to put a stop to it.

    If a man go out to the State of New-York to get liquor, these Sons of Temperance, of whom there is a Division in the place, from which he came, lay in wait for him and search his wagon, and require to be informed of what is kept there. If he is found to have liquor with him, he is taken before the Justice; and when he is convicted of having violated the law, he is fined, or put in prison, in default of the fine being paid, and his liquor is thrown in to the ditch in the little town of Rutland, to which he belongs, they have spilled already some 600 to 800 gallons of rut-gut. [Cheers] On the Fourth of July it was said that a large quantity of liquor had been sent for to New-York, in order to be sold on that day. The Sons of Temperance had got the wind of it, the liquor was spilled and the conductor of the train that brought it, was sent off to the jail by the Justice.

    The speaker concluded by referring to the happy effects of the Temperance law throughout the State of Vermont, and, in his own town Rutland, in particular.

    The Convention now took breath, and concluded to adjourn for dinner.


    The reassembling took place at 3 P. M. The house was only partially filled, and it was very warm. The diminution of number from the morning was quite marked. The people reserved themselves for the performances of the evening. The galleries were wholly deserted; still, what there was of an audience, was very enthusiastic; and by 4½ o'clock the numbers had again increased rapidly.

    The following impromptu Poem was composed by Mrs. GEORGE, when our friend, the Bouquetman, deposited the bouquets on the table and platform. It is a good specimen of woman's taste for floriculture:

Bring Flowers! bring Flowers!
To grace the Hall.
Where the world is gathered,
To save from thrall
The millions groaning
With racking pains,
From poisons tortured,
From fruits and grains.

Bring Flowers! bring Flowers!
To grace the shrine
We build o'er the grave
Or sparkling wine,
That their fragrance pure
May ascend above,
With our earnest hope
And boundless love.

    Mr. VICTOR HANNOT was first introduced to the audience, and made an address in very broken English. So far as we could understand him, his arguments consisted of general denunciations of kings, despots, tyrants, and the opponents of the Maine Law.

    Rev. Mr. ABAUGH advocated the Maine Law in a short speech.

    Mr. SABINE, of Pennsylvania, proposed the following resolution:

   Resolved. That the enactment of a law similar in its general provisions to the Maine Law would be eminently conducive to the natural prosperity of any and every State adopting it; because the amount per cent paid to the laborer for the production of alcoholic beverages does not average more than ten per cent., whereas, in the manufacture of useful articles, such as clothing, furniture, &c., an average of not less than fifty per cent is paid for their manufacture. Therefore, if all the money that is now spent in the production of liquor were devoted to useful purposes, there would at once be a demand for labor which would more than counterbalance any momentary loss occasioned to a certain class by the enactment.

    Dr. LEE WOODRUFF was then introduced amid great applause.

    I am, said he, a citizen of Maine, and I flatter myself that I feel as proud as Paul did when he said. "I am a Roman citizen." (Loud applause.) It will be anticipated, I suppose, coming from headquarters, that I may say something about the Maine Law. I am sorry that I am so poor a representative from that noble State of which I am proud, but I will refer somewhat to the law and its workings--what it has been and what now exists in relation to it. I will say, further, that I now speak mostly, or shall attempt to, for your gratification. I am not, my friends, so great a stickler for laws as some. I have but a very small veneration for law, but I will give you to understand my views on this matter. I think I know somewhat of the condition of the people and I am willing to give to them what they will have. It is policy of course. If they will not partake of the kind of food I want to give them, let them have that which they think they need and all I ask of them is to allow me to eat my food and so drink my water, to think for myself and to speaking myself; but, at the same time, I am willing to bear the burthens of others. I came up to New-York not as a representative in this Convention, but as a delegate to the pan-word [?] Convention; but my sympathies are with the whole world, and I know no line of demarcation that separates me from all mankind. [Loud applause] Hence, I address myself to you as brothers and sisters, and when I say that, of course I shall feel that you are ladies and gentlemen, too. I merely throw out this suggestion to let you know, for fear that you may misconstrue my position. I have worked long and hard for the Maine Law; I have worked hard for its execution, and I bear honorable stripes for its existence, and for its execution. I have been a mark to fire at; I have been somewhat martyred in this matter I do not boast for I have only done my duty, and perhaps hardly that I have had my life threatened; a coat of tar and feathers has been frequently promised me, but the nearest they came to that has been to tar and feather my sign; and I had the hardihood, as some people thought to leave it up there as the representative of the characters who put the tar and feathers there, until time effaced it. [Applause] I have had my windows broken, my store-door covered with filth, and my name sent out as evil, and every other attempt has been made to destroy me, because I loved temperance. But all these things make me rejoice, because I feel that I have, to a certain extent, been counted worthy of their indignations from rum people. You know that we have fought long and hard, to get the prohibitory law in Maine. We have had every obstacle that human ingenuity could throw in our way, to impede our progress, in order to defeat the Maine Law: but, nevertheless, in despite of their continued perseverance we have succeeded. I will refer, for the encouragement of this State, and somewhat to their advantage, as they are striving for the Maine Law, to some of the objections and the means that were used to prevent our achieving this glorious end. When this matter was launched in its incipient stages and before we had the law as it now is, there was a great deal of talk about its effect, and a great deal of threatening of what would be come to those who supported the measure. Our opponents threatened that if this law were brought about,--if they were robbed of their rights, as they called them they would no longer remain citizens of the State of Maine, but that they would leave it until the law was repealed. An individual replied very happily to them; "If," said he, "your determination is never to return until that law is repealed, in all probability you will never come back again; and while you are about it, you may congratulate yourselves, and repeat the ballad of Uncle Jonas Cox [?], of Botany Bay [?], who undertook to make the best of all things:

    "True patriots, why fear: be it understood,
We leave our country for our country's good."


    It was rather a matter of rejoicing than otherwise, that such individuals would leave our State, but would feel some regret when we thought that they would go somewhere else, and other people would be cursed with them. There are some difficulties in the way of the execution of laws. A few radical reformers will present an idea and dwell upon it until a portion of the people will take hold of it, and a sufficient portion will rally around until they will elect a Legislature that will give them a law. But when you get a law it is the expression of a legislature, which is not always a popular expression of the people, and there is too much truth in the idea that a law cannot be effectually enforced until the people are prepared for it, and until they are brought up to that position when they love truth more than error. Let us lay aside private interests and social relations, and be willing to be delegates to be shot at--willing to stand in the van of the fight, to bear the blows and receive the insults of the enemy; and, when that is done, the law can be executed, but it takes a long while to bring people up to that point. The best manner to meet our opponents is upon political ground. There has been a reaction in the State. While temperance men have slept, the enemy have sown tares. Our opponents have been lavish with their treasure and with their talents, and there is some reason to fear that in the next election they will triumph.

    The speaker made allusion to Mr. PILLSBURY, the Governor of Maine, and complained that he secured his election entirely from his having kept the voters well supplied with liquor during the canvass.

    Mr. C. M. BURLEIGH moved that the ten-minute rule be reenacted.

    After much by-play, it was resolved to adopt a fifteen-minute rule for the afternoon.

    Miss EMILY CLARK was introduced. She made a good speech.

    She apprehended that the objects of this Convention should be eminently utilitarian. She apprehended that the causes of that evil which has cursed our race so long, should be the topics and the reasoning's of this Convention. We have come up to one grand point. If we would abate an evil, we can only do it by removing the cause. Have we instrumentalities competent to remove this cause? I answer, we have. In the hands of American citizens, the ballot-box has the power to remove it (Great applause.) If we refuse to annihilate the evil while we have the power, we are responsible for all the evils which may grow out of those evils when they are allowed to exist. She added, that anecdotes had been in vogue. She proposed to become historical and narrative. She spoke of the conquering warriors of past times who dipped their blades in human gore. The most accused system of rum-selling causes men at this day to dip their hands, too, in human goes. To woman has it been given to drink the cup of degradation occasioned by intemperance, to the very drugs. She entreats you to give her protection at this ballot-box. Who are the liquor sellers of this Ward? They are your agents. They were commissioned by your Government to vend their poison. Our Convention, today, therefore, is to be utilitarian. We must lay the axe at the root of the tree. She would tell a story, but the time, (fifteen minutes) was waning, and she was in haste. A man had a buggy to grease, but he greased the whole of it, except "the pins the wheels turned on," so will liquor legislation. We have left everything that should have been done undone.

    WM. LLOYD GARRISON followed. He made a characteristic speech. He was rejoined to see this whole World's Temperance Convention, and warmly endorsed its objects.

    Remarks followed from Mrs. GAGE, of Missouri; Mrs. GARRISON again; Mrs. BOOTH, of Wisconsin; Mrs. WILLIAMS, of Port Jervis; and Rev. Mr. ARMSTRONG, of Saratoga County. Mr. ARMSTRONG was the first man in his County to circulate the pledge.

    The evening session concluded the proceedings. Our report is crowded over till the Evening Edition.

    Hon. JOHN P. HALE made a telling speech, of which we have a full report.

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